Monday, 26 December 2016

Too Many Leadership Theories/Styles, but I go for Military Inspired Leadership, a Leadership Style that will Liberate Africa



In Africa, every time one speaks of the army, people straight away get reminded of some coup d’état, useless wars between a brother and a brother, internecine wars whereupon men and women in uniform fight amongst themselves for the crown of greed, corruption, senselessness and vanity; this military setting is not the subject of this discussion.

I am not talking about how Samuel Kanyon Doe toppled and murdered President William Tolbert Jr’s government, and how later he used the killing squad to publicly execute Tolbert’s 13 ministers in a savage spectacle on a beach in the name of liberating the Liberians, and how, later, he himself suffered a similar fate before Prince Yormie Johnson, a rebel leader watching over the shame, drinking from a cane of beer from the West; I am not talking about Sierra Leone and how that humans born from humans unleashed savagery using the barrel of a gun and machetes, slaughtering and maiming civilians in a fashion that smacks of insanity of worst nature; I am not talking about northern Uganda where the Lord’s Resistance Army, GOD knows who supplies them with weapons to survive this long in a terrain so difficult, uses a name of some deity to inflict pain, torture and death upon the people they claim to serve; I am not talking about Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where, to satisfy the voluminous and immoral appetite by the West for precious metals buried under the blessed soil of Africa, men and women from those ‘civilisations’ sponsor violence, providing weapons and money in exchange for metals excavated through abuse and blood; and I’m not talking about the army leaving their military barracks to inflict savagery in the name of liberating the suffering mass.

When I talk of military style of leadership, I speak of those settings where one can draw inspiration on sacrifice of highest order when a people organize themselves to defend their land and values against aggression. In Africa, we have seen this in the wars of liberation in such countries as Zimbabwe and Namibia where men and women sacrificed the best they had to bring their people recognition, respect and independence. Lessons one can draw from such settings and the selflessness of leaders from such era is what I am discussing in this entry. It should be noted that in countries such as Angola and Mozambique the victory on the liberation struggle soon saw another form of struggle—civil wars. My discussion has nothing to do with those unfortunate chapters of civil wars that followed fights for liberation in such countries.

People talk of different types of leadership styles and theories: transformational against transactional, dictatorial against democratic, laissez faire, emotional intelligence, situational leadership, concern for people/task, and lately, Ubuntu. Honestly speaking, I am an admirer of none of these because studying them leads one into a jungle that eventually seems to say same things is slightly different ways. For me, the best leadership style which Africa can use to liberate itself from the oppression of hunger, poverty and diseases is what I describe as, for want of a better word, military inspired leadership. I must repeat that this is not a leadership by the military; it is a leadership style one learns from what happens in a context of danger, and there is no better picture explaining a context of danger than the battlefront where men and women in uniform face death every second of their lives. To do this, I will borrow the various leadership qualities of men and women leading at the battlefront and shall then use them to apply to situations in Africa where we can use to solve our problems without waiting for the West who comes with conditions knowing pretty well we cannot live those conditions because they are not in tune with our local contexts. But before I do that, I should confess that during my leisure time, I love reading military novels or watching savage military films.

If you’re surprised I developed this habit—love for military novels and brutal military films—then I should remind you Nelson Mandela loved boxing, and Desmond Tutu likes Rugby, a game of extreme contact where to prove you’ve scored you have to punish yourself, hitting your body hard against the ground. Besides, I know one Pastor, a very good man, in fact, one of the very few pastors I have seen who is never disturbed by prosperity other Pastors around him make, a man satisfied by what he has, and this man likes watching wrestling. This is not that simple wrestling that looks like ordinary judo; it is that savage wrestling where the people twist each other’s hands and legs, throwing the other off a very small ring at every available opportunity.

But I must also confess that maybe it all springs from the fact that my half-brother, Late Robert was a major in the army. When he returned from West Point, US, he wanted me to follow suit, but I told him I would serve my nation in a different capacity, school teacher.

I am not advocating for the sight of blood and violence; I do not know what others can learn from such novels and films. But as for me, I do not copy the violence and the savagery therein, I just draw important lessons therefrom to apply to my life. In short, from these films and novels, I learn about the inborn serious side and nature of man—that love for violence and bigotry—vices we must fight and overcome. I also like learning from these settings because they teach me there are situations and occasions in life when we must never accept error. In military settings, there is no room for error, because error means a loss of life or lives. At the battlefront, men and women in uniform live one for the other. One US infantry soldier, Pfc Lewis C Lawhorn, describing of their setting in Vietnam during the 1968 Tet or New Year’s offensive had the following to say about life among grunts (foot soldiers) in battle: “You live with each other, you sleep with each other, you cry with each other, you pray with each other. We depended on each other to do a lot of things. I was friends with everybody in the platoon; we were all friends” (Keith William Nolan’s Battle for Hue: Tet 1968, p 114).

For me, Africa is a kind of battlefront where, to live, we must do it the military way. In other words, I personally find no better situation or context to learn from as far as the power of exercising great meticulousness and the art of living one for the other is concerned as the battlefront.

Our approach to fighting hunger, poverty and diseases in Africa should resemble the art at the battlefront. Suppose Africa had confronted her ills with the courage and determination of a man or woman in battle, what measure of success would we have achieved by now?

So what are the characteristics of this leadership style? Leadership scholars will give you lists and lists of them, but I think leadership qualities should not be that complicated. So, I will borrow from what Glenn Llopis calls ‘8 Qualities that make Leaders Memorable’(see www.forbes.com). I find this list simple beside the fact that they are all present in what I describe as military inspired leadership. These qualities are authenticity; desire to share wisdom and secret of success; doing what others don’t; embracing the lessons of failure; giving the people their valuable times; creating special moments; making followers feel valued; and leading to leave a legacy. I will discuss each one of them to demonstrate how each is valued in military settings and what results they produce in such settings. Later, I shall show how our leaders and we as followers can learn and borrow from them so as to run our affairs with military efficiency in our families, communities, public institutions, nation, name it.

First, a leader ought to be decisive. Decisiveness can only be measured by how consistent one is on principles one believes will work to serve the people. Allow me to use the example from one military novel I love to read—Hamburger Hill: The Brutal Battle for Dong Ap Bia, May 11-20, 1969 by Samuel Zaffiri.

Hamburger Hill is an account of events in Vietnam when the US Army, Marine Corps, and South Vietnamese forces launched Operation Apache Snow and the objective was to annihilate the Communist forces out of the area known as A Shau Valley. The greatest battle centred on the control of an isolated mountain on the western side of this valley. This mountain is known as Dong Ap Bia or simply Ap Bia, and is 970 metres above sea level at its peak. On this peak, are two ridges—Hill 937 and Hill 916. The centre of this discussion is Hill 937, also known as Hamburger Hill, because on that human meat grinder many lives were lost.

Only days before the Operation, a number of soldiers were asking why on earth they were going there in the first place. At page 6, Lt Charles Denholm, who had led Bravo 3/187th, only two weeks before in a battle in the area and had witnessed first-hand the magnitude of resistance and the capacity of the ‘enemy’ from North Vietnam, hoped the situation would be different. At page 7, Lt George Bennit, a platoon leader said he “personally thought the entire operation smacked of lunacy”.

It should be noted that some three years before, in 1966, the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese soldiers had attacked a US Special Forces’ camp in this area, A Shau. The situation had hit that desperate point, the Americans had to abandon their camp to take shelter in the communications bunker, and Captain Blair, one of the Special Forces there, had to send a poignant and desperate emergency radio call, “reinforcements. Without them, kiss us good-bye” (p 26). Two Skyraiders (planes) had to destroy the camp, by now occupied by the North Vietnamese soldiers.

Of the 434 men on that Special Forces’ camp, only 200 survived, many of them wounded. When evacuation was attempted, it turned another disaster. Eventually, Lt Col Charles House who had arrived under intense fire to lead the mission, “led this ragtag group—which included Nung tribesmen, South Vietnamese irregulars, Green Berets, and helicopter pilots and their crews—out the northwest side of the camp . . . ” (p 27).

In the end only 180 had made it out of the A Shau Camp alive. And here they were again, in May 1969, going back into the A Shau Valley; the apprehension was understood.

However, despite this dangerous reality, the US Commanders were bold-determined to send the men in again, and this time against a more entrenched NVA contingency. The short and breadth of what was to happen at Dong Ap Bia was that the Americans were to secure it at a very heavy cost with serious political repercussions at home. And soon, Major General John Wright, the man who was to replace General Melvin Zais as Commander of the 101st was to order the men to abandon the mountain recently secured. This was to raise questions as to what the purpose was sending men to assault a mountain, leading to heavy casualty, only to abandon it soon after securing it.

My interest in this isn’t that the Americans secured the Mountain at a heavy cost and so soon abandoned it, but the stand General Zais had taken to send his men there in the first place. General Zais had made his decision to send his men there, sure of his objectives, and when it didn’t work the way he had planned and hoped, he stood by it.

When making some public policies, leaders ought to get decisive and stand by their principles so long as they are sure the result will eventually work in serving the people better. Many public policies are abandoned because often we look for immediate results; there are situations when leadership has to look at the broader picture and the greater happiness and relief the policy will bring the people rather than bow down to pressure or to fear to try.

Winston Churchill who became British Prime Minister on May 10, 1940 (the day Hitler’s armies of 2.5 million men attacked Belgium, The Netherlands and France) at circa 6 o’clock that evening, is another man who often demonstrated decisiveness when dealing with issues to do the the War (Second World War). On November 12, 1940, Churchill received a warning that Coventry would be bombed on the night of November 14 and 15. The source of the information, a deciphering machine known as Ultra, was so important for Britain to keep penetrating Germany communication system. If Churchill was to warn the city Germany planes were bombing them on the night between 14 and 15, Germany would realise that the machine they were using to send coded information, the Enigma, had been compromised. This would have forced Germany to change the codes and Britain would not be able to know in advance Germany’s next move. Churchill had to make a terrible yet strategic choice, opting to sacrifice the city in order to keep Ultra a secret.

According to Anthony Cave Brown in Bodyguard of Lies, p 44, Coventry was indeed bombed that night and Churchill had not sent the city warning. In the end, 554 of the City’s citizens had been killed in that bombing, 150 of them buried in common grave. Further 865 had been seriously wounded, 4,000 suffering other wounds and burns.

The decision to let Germany bomb Coventry had fooled Hitler into believing that Britain had not penetrated Germany’s coding system, the Enigma, when in fact, Britain had. This decision was to help Britain and her allies win the Second World War, for they were always ahead of Germany through the Ultra, an instrument helping them decipher German Army’s manouvre intelligence.

Great leaders also desire to share wisdom and secret of success. In politics, the one who carries the day is granted licence to torment the loser; such is never the case among military men and women. On June 14, 1982 when the British Forces defeated the Argentine Forces during the Falklands War over the Falklands Islands (known as Isles of Malvinas by the Argentines), the politicians in London demanded ‘unconditional surrender’ as a term. The Argentine Governor Menendez of the Isles insisted on the term ‘surrender with conditions’. The British General, Jeremy Moore, agreed to delete the word ‘unconditional’. General Moore understood the Argentine position that surrender should not be mistaken for humiliation.

One of the reasons some leaders refuse to hand over power is that we tend to scare them with humiliation. If we had prepared decent places where these men and women would retire to and accept their handover of power as part of the system, there would be little fuss over handing over power. Unfortunately, opposition parties, sometimes aided by the West, tend to spew threats in them, warning them they would face persecution once outside power. Africa ought to revisit its stand on this.

When Gustav Kaliwo, then Director of the Anti-Corruption Bureau, ACB, arrested former Head of State Bakili Muluzi on corruption charges on July 27, 2006, the President then, Bingu wa Mutharika, fumed because “Kaliwo had not followed procedures” in arresting the former President. I support that position though many take the position that the same had compromised the whole question of independence of the ACB. There is an approach to issues that can seem to satisfy, but it is always important to look at the broader picture especially implications on the local context. I suppose we must do that which will make us solve our problems through a system that will work in our context. A decision to arrest a former Head of State ought to have been thought through carefully. Russia and the US can bomb some places, leading to sights bordering on war crimes yet you will never see anyone seriously pestering these powers to account for that. I am not saying our leaders should not account for their sins, no. What I am saying is that we must develop our internal mechanisms of dealing with our issues, mechanisms we know will bring us peace first, and then trust and confidence second. And I would suggest that there are occasions when letting bygones be bygones is the best policy.

Another quality of good leadership is that a leader should take time to explain to the people his beliefs and why he or she believes they will eventually work. Before an army attacks, those to be involved are briefed on what they are going to encounter, the estimated number and capability of the enemy given and their level of resistance put forth, often in some exaggerated language so no one underestimate his power. Africa can only beat its ills if the people are told the truth on the gravity of the situation. The people’s role in nation building should be made clear. We live in an era where individual parties can no longer manage to change the welfare of the people. The people themselves ought to understand their roles in uplifting themselves and in nation building. We must be forthright with them otherwise we will promise them the moon, in the end piling upon ourselves untold pressure once we fail to deliver.

At the battlefront, the responsibility to construct one’s fox hole or shelters, etc, is one’s own; there is no that pleasure of waiting for aid. Africa can learn that individual villages can work to address their own problems. Men and women can contribute in a more committed way to service for the benefit of their society and thus themselves.

Innovation in a leader is another important quality. This means a leader should be innovative, doing what no leader before has ever done. Military leaders study where previous missions failed and fight to overcome those barriers. They look to history to learn rather than despite. If previous leaders demonstrated a life of greed and insatiable appetite for accumulation, repeating the same does not inspire. If previous leaders refused to work with the opposition, it does not inspire to keep hating the fellow on the other side. If previous administrations had refused to open up the national broadcaster, repeating the same does not speak of innovation. Leadership must study what it is that made others fail in order never to repeat the same.

A leader should study carefully why previous attempts failed and learn from them to correct the present and the future. Good leadership should not say, “They did it and escaped unscathed; we’ll do the same.” Two blacks do not make a white.

Innovation is also seen in the manner in which military leaders handle contingencies or those situations that just arise from nowhere. An example of innovation in this regard is what Lieutenant-Colonel Vladimir Peniakoff (DSO, MC) exhibited during the Second World War in North Africa. Lt Col Peniakoff known by alias Popski, had a private army which was fighting on the side of Britain and the US and their allies in North Africa and later Italy. At pages, 449-50 in his book Popski’s Private Army, he narrates of how one Christmas one new recruit of his had brought him a terrible piece of news, strange one but common at the front:

“It’s like this, Sir, the recruit had said. “I have decided to kill myself. However, as it is Christmas afternoon and all the lads have enjoyed their dinner so much and are so happy, I wonder if it would be a good thing to do today, or should I put it off till tomorrow?”

The boy, his name was Richards, said he had hoped that he would be killed in battle but was not, and so had decided to kill himself, and at that, he pulled a bomb out of his pocket and began toying with its pin. Quick thinking, Popski said, “If you want to kill yourself on Christmas, I won’t stop you. But you had better made a good job out of it. . . .You would be an ass if you tried to kill yourself with an unprimed bomb” (450). At that point Popski had asked him to handover the bomb so he should check whether it was primed. A primed bomb is one prepared to explode or put in a state it can explode. What Popski meant was that if Richards would use unprimed bomb his friends would laugh at him, thinking he was just pulling a joke knowing the bomb was not going to explode anyway, as it was unprimed.

When he handed over the grenade to Popski, the latter is said to have unscrewed the cap, making it harmless before handing the ‘toy’ back to him. Richards received treatment at a military psychiatric facility and was declared fit again though Popski refused to take him in again.

Innovation in leaders is also seen in the way a leader chooses those to work with. When Churchill, then 66 years of age, was asked to form the British Government, i.e. to become Prime Minister in May 1940, he “immediately surrounded himself with a youthful, blue-blooded (noble) staff” (Anthony Cave Brown, p 33). Perhaps this also explains why Churchill did not believe in moving around people, as for him, experience mattered so much in running important government business. At page 613 in The Second World War: Closing the Ring, volume v, Churchill says:

“I always deprecate (i.e. strongly disapprove) military men being moved from employments or commands where they have gained a great mass of special information and are pursuing a definite theme, because of promotion in ordinary service routine. An ambassador has to be given time to take root . . . .”

In some way, Churchill does not subscribe to the tendency to keep moving people around because that affects efforts to attain efficiency.

It is also important that leaders create some special moments for their followers. Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda had a tendency to feed his people. It was a small bun and bottle of Fanta, but we appreciated that spirit to live together and eat from the same place. He did not do that because we were poor; he did that because the person who remembers your stomach is a great friend. Leaders can do this by demonstrating they can sacrifice some pleasure and comfort for their people. Who can forget such a great gesture? When Thomas Sankara came to power in the Upper Volta (the land he soon named Burkina Faso), he brought in a humble way of approaching presidential business, drastically reducing pleasure and flaunt of wealth by using a moderate fleet of vehicles, doing away with what many leaders like, very expensive vehicles. Sankara actually took part in leading his people in work, actually doing the grim work itself, carrying rocks, et cetera. This is why even after many had tried to obliterate his name and legacy, his people and many right-thinking Africans value his approach to government business as the only sane way Africa can liberate itself from the grip of the West who will never do a thing to see Africa truly free.

In war, special moments also have to do with setting examples by identifying with the boys. In war, if you want to build a fighting heart in your people, lead by example. On this, Colin Powell, former US Army General, confesses: “The most important thing I learned is that soldiers watch what their leaders do. You can give them classes and lecture them forever, but it is your personal example they will follow.”

Political leaders can make one public rally after the other, but if they do not lead by example, there is little the people can take from them, and this is because people are always inspired by action, and action represents the epitome of leading by example. If we talk about fighting corruption, we, entrusted with leadership positions, must lead by example. We must lead in presenting a life of pure transparency and in making all our businesses open. People can observe from the way we respect those pieces of legislation that encourage openness, learning from the same in the course.

A leadership that fails to make a people feel valued had better forget about progress. People feel valued when they are frequently consulted, and here I’m referring to that honest engagement with the ruled, the type of engagement that also values the skein of feedback. It also entails giving the people an opportunity to criticise constructively where they feel the sovereign are not serving their interest. This is a system through which leadership can show the people that they, as leaders, can be willing to reverse decisions whenever the people genuinely demonstrate it is a project not in their interest. However, the ruled must understand there is no room for violence or threats in such an engagement, for we have no right to threaten the sovereign; we have an opportunity to negotiate with the sovereign to reach a health consensus for our country.

A people can also feel valued when a leader demonstrates his or her willingness to suffer on their behalf. One of the earliest works I read when young, I think I was in standard 6 or thereabout, was Kenneth Kaunda’s Zambia Shall be Free. Then I had almost memorised the opening part of that work, but thanks to people who know how to borrow books but never buy their own, they borrowed it and I lost that treasure. Fortunately, recently, I got a little solace through an extract of this title in Gathering Seaweed: African Prison Writing, a work edited by Jack Mapanje.

In the extract, “Colour Bar” Kaunda, narrates a story of how, while working as school teacher, he went out to challenge the colour bar, that tendency by the white man to put boundaries between him and other races in such places as shops, and street passages.

At page 2 (Gathering Seaweed) Kaunda narrates of how that one day in Mufulira he got determined to expose a system that never allowed Africans to enter European shops by the front door, but to buy through a hole in a wall. Kaunda says, “I determined to expose this system for what it was, an insult to my race and my people.” So Kaunda went straight into a shop where he asked for a book. He was marched out. He says he went to the boma, to lodge a complaint. When the police officer there suggested to him: “Look here, Kenneth, if ever you want anything just come along to me and I will give you a note,” Kaunda replied: “But that is not the point, what about all the thousands of others who want to be treated like reasonable human beings in the shops?”

When Kaunda went again to the shop and was shown the door again, he went to the boma again. He says this time the district officer accompanied him to the shop warning the chemist that the man he was ill-treating could soon be sitting in the legislative council, something that scared the chemist. Kaunda says the man told him he should have said he was Mr Kaunda. But Kaunda says he once again explained to him he was not asking for special consideration. “I was simply asking that my people should be treated with reasonable courtesy in their own country.” I am not surprised GOD is still keeping for us this giant of a politician.

If Kaunda was a different person, he would feel satisfied as soon the problem affecting him as an individual was addressed. He was not like that; he wanted it addressed for his people first. His value was on his people.

Then there is this quality—leaving a legacy—and it is not the same as making a mark. In making a mark you do something extraordinary, but unless that mark lives on and on, it is never a legacy. That impression, that long-lasting influence, that appreciation everyone makes of them is what qualifies for a legacy. To leave a legacy, one must value the time one is leading as an opportunity in which to set the yardstick and standards against which everything in future will be measured. Such standards will inspire others to follow because history will show such standards worked and so can work, and that anything outside them is bound to fail. This is not to deny the followers or successors of innovation; this they must but something in them should keep telling them to seriously take into account the values set by one’s legacy.

In Africa, there are a number of leaders who have left us this great value—legacy. Nelson Mandela and Sankara are two such. In Mandela, we know we can live together and build our future together despite the acrimonious history.

Thanks to Sankara, today, people in Africa know that a leader can get determined and live a life simple, leading his people at work. Thanks to Sankara, today we know leadership can champion the fight for women emancipation, can bring a people a belief in themselves, a belief that they can feed themselves and feel proud of what they have or produce. Although Sankara’s life was ended prematurely, the leadership examples he set can never be wiped out. Unfortunately, African leaders today cannot emulate this simple yet powerful example, a formula that has everything they need to leave behind a great legacy.

Just imagine one day we wake up to some news that our leadership has on his own decided to trim to a third the fleet of vehicles he uses to a ‘developmental’ meeting to inspect some project funded by some donor? I hold my vote, waiting for the day some leader will tell me, “Well, from now on, I will be using an ordinary Toyota Land Cruiser when visiting my people in the villages.”

We do not have to wait for donors to tell us to stop being corrupt; we know what is right; we can do the best for our people and leave a great legacy. Let us borrow the exigencies of the battlefront and work to liberate ourselves from the ills that have kept holding us back for over fifty years. We deserve something better for ourselves.

The Bible refers to Christian life as a battle, taking Jesus Christ as the Commander or one leading. He led by example when He lived life of a human on Earth. There must be a very good reason GOD decided to portray the Christian life as a battle; it must mean it is a life that requires supreme sacrifice (done on behalf of us all by Christ Himself) and so setting an example to all to live and lead by the same.

Military inspired leadership is not a leadership by the military; that style has no room anywhere in the world let alone in Africa; military inspired leadership is a leadership of civilians modelled on the great high principles of men and women who lead in battle, men and women who face the greatest of all dangers—death.

If Africa can strive to work with the efficiency of a military unit and the urgency of those in battle, Africa can beat all the ills dogging it within a short period of time. We gained independence; we must show we were ready to take care of our own affairs when the West gave us back that freedom.

When I was in primary school, I used to pass by the Army General’s House when going or coming from school. The building, a huge cream structure carrying a green corrugated-iron roof is just outside the State House brick fence. Only a patch of bitumen road, the one tourists take when going or coming from Ku Chawe Inn, that popular tourist sight atop the beautiful Zomba Plateau, separates them. Every morning a Malawi Army soldier, and a boxer, Metazama, in T-shirt and a pair of shorts, used to lift rocks, mending flower beds for his boss there. The man was short but strongly built, and the physique showed on his hands and legs. Today, whenever I pass that place the picture of that great soldier appears before me. Today in my City of Zomba, young men in what look like nappies gather at the once mighty Community Centre Hall to compete on what is described as weight-lifting. They are paid money for that. It’s great, physical exercises are great, but I always ask myself whether it would not make more sense us using that opportunity further than that to serve our nation or City.

Soldiers and police officers like to run and do physical exercises. Often, early in the morning, they pass by my house, singing some funny songs—‘Which deserves more respect, a shirt and a pair of shorts?’ And they chorus, ‘Pair of shorts must!’ They proceed to give a reason, a reason that always leaves me quaking in my blankets. However, whenever they do this, I remember Metazama.

In some countries police officers and army officers are trained in agriculture too so they can produce for themselves and their nation. Perhaps we can borrow something from them and see the good old days again when police officers and soldiers used to receive food rations. It pains me that we allowed that system to die. But with Metazama spirit we can bring back that glory.

In short, even the military in Malawi has always demonstrated how that we can use our talents and skills to build our nation. We must make a choice to do the best, to lead by example in all fields of life, not only in being punctual at work or in showing others we must wear suits at official functions; it must be on fundamental things that define governance, rule of law and constitutionalism; it must be on making each one of us contribute to the building of our great nation, and the military in Malawi and elsewhere gives us the lessons we can learn from to build ourselves and our peace.

Military inspired leadership can work because it is based on things that work on the ground, things proven. It is unlike other leadership theories, complicated and based on someone’s thinking in some office, good for classroom setting only. Military inspired leadership will see Africans borrow from the military and work ‘until the last man drops dead’ to see Africa liberated from the bondage of poverty, hunger, diseases and donor dependency. Through military inspired leadership, Africa can witness her fortunes revivified.

References

Brown, Anthony Cave (1975) Bodyguard of Lies. London: WH Allen and Co.

Churchill, Winston S. (1952) The Second World War: Closing the Ring, volume v. London: Cassell & Co Ltd.

Freedman, Lawrence and Gamba-Stonehouse, Virginia (1991) Signals of War: The Falklands Conflict of 1982. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

Kaunda, Kenneth D “Colour Bar” (2002) Gathering Seaweed: African Prison Writing, Jack Mapanje (Ed). Oxford: Heinemann.

Llopis, Glenn, “8 Qualities that make Leaders Memorable”. Available at www.forbes.com

Nolan, Keith William (1996) Battle for Hue: Tet 1968. San Marin, Novato: Presidio Press

Santoli, Al (1985) To Bear any Burden: The Vietnam War and Its Aftermath in the Words of Americans and Southeast Asians. New York: Ballantine Books.

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